For two months, Nicaragua has been through a major political crisis, fueled by clashes between law enforcement and insurgency. Humanitarian organizations report a terrifying record of nearly deaths. This violence, compromising the attempts of political negotiations, makes it necessary to understand who has an interest in paralyzing this Central American country. What are the motivations of protesters and opposition forces?
Is the Nicaraguan government the symbol of absolute tyranny? It was a pension reform project that started the fire. To avoid privatizing social security as recommended by the IMF, the government wanted to increase contributions for both workers and employers. Faced with a public outcry, the government backtracked and withdrew its reform plan. But the protests continued without anyone being able to understand what was their objective. In order to stop the cycle of violence, government spokesmen on the protesters to participate in peace commissions.
They insisted on their willingness to listen to the various demands and to promote the expression Stereo yes matagalpa online dating political opposition. Calls for dialogue from the government have been shunned. They were even perceived as a sign of weakness, galvanizing the young protesters of the M movement. Moreover, the international media aligned themselves without reserve with these demonstrators, regarded as the quintessence of the civil society, in spite of their nihilism and extremism.
But the attitude of the M raises questions. Yes, in Nicaragua, it is the bosses who call to strike!
The world Stereo yes matagalpa online dating down? The fact remains that neither the majority of workers, nor the small and medium-sized enterprises followed suit. But it allowed an evaluation of the balance of power as well as maintaining the pressure until the next phase. On June 16, the day when the peace dialogue between the opposition and the government was to be revived, a new episode of extreme violence made the front pages of the international media.
On June 16, a group of hooded people set fire to a building in Managua using Molotov cocktails, causing seven deaths, including a two-year-old child and a five-month-old baby. A mattress store occupied the ground floor of the building while the owner and his family lived on the first floor. Neighbors said they saw hoodlums throw their cocktails at the building, and said some shooters would have prevented the family from escaping.
Accident as a possible cause was therefore immediately rejected. But private media like Televisa or BBC immediately seized the case to blame the authorities for the crime. According to their information, paramilitaries on government payroll wanted to use the roof of the building to post snipers; the paramilitaries, having been denied access "Stereo yes matagalpa online dating" the homeowner, would have locked him up in his residence with his family before setting it on fire.
For other governments, this argument would appear simplistic, implausible and irrational. Who would have defended the idea that the British government was behind the fire of the Grenfell tower for example? But in the case of Nicaragua, the complicity or even the responsibility of the government is put forth as a matter of fact.
Stereo yes matagalpa online dating give credit to the story, the BBC used the testimony of the only survivor in the family: We can only respect the bereavement of the survivor.
But it cannot be dismissed that under shock, and calling for divine justice, she felt the need to find an immediate culprit.
This is why it cannot be excluded that her testimony has been influenced in any way so as to channel her anger and to politically exploit it. In an effort to get closer to the truth, it is necessary to look for additional information and to cross-check them with other testimonies and documents.
The problem is that observers are facing a real war of images. Filmed from the balcony of the house burned, an amateur video was immediately on social media.
It aims at reinforcing the thesis of police forces and para-police organizations participation. Filmed by the eldest son of the family, Alfredo Pavon, one of the Stereo yes matagalpa online dating of the fire, this video is certainly interesting.
But we see only a convoy of five police vans stopping near the house after a motorcycle chase, after which the police fires some warning shots and arrests a young biker. Hard to turn this into evidence. This document is nevertheless used to sow doubt, or even to point at the authorities as being responsible for the crime. Widely shared by the media in the aftermath of the crime, the video continues to be broadcast in a loop and feed hate comments….
However, these images have in Stereo yes matagalpa online dating been taken out of context: What it reveals above all is that this precise area had been the scene of clashes between the two camps since the beginning of the crisis.
This corresponds to information sent by Nicaraguan citizens, which indicates that the Carlos Marx district is controlled by the opposition. Indeed, it is hard to believe, as Stereo yes matagalpa online dating opposition says, that police forces have surrounded the same neighborhood for two months, without being able to quell the protest movement until 16, when they finally decided to use the roof of the Velasquez family to post snipers.
They take the opportunity to send a message to the negotiation table: I want you to know: But have their accusations, carried by certain media and Internet users on social media, been the subject of a real inquiry gathering enough facts?
A journalist at TeleSur, Madelein Garcia reports a completely different version: Moreover, disturbing screen shot of the April 19 movement was relayed via social media, including several photos of the owner of the premises, the father Velasquez Pavon, accompanied by explicit threats against him. The document dates from 2 days before the fire, that is to say at the time of the strike organized by COSEP.
The commentary indicates that he did not respect the strike directive, preferring to continue working.
"Stereo yes matagalpa online dating" the eyes of his attackers, that would have been enough to make him automatically suspicious of sympathy with the government. Since the release of this documentit appears that the text and photos have been removed from the account, the group administrators explaining that it could be a forgery.
An explanation that did not convince everyone: We only have amateur videos published
Stereo yes matagalpa online dating Velasquez Pavon on his Facebook account in recent months. He proudly presents his mattress making workshop and says he works tirelessly.
Would the small business owner Velasquez Stereo yes matagalpa online dating have been the target of opposition or paramilitary forces? The dead do not speak; it is difficult to answer these questions. But respect for the victims requires a real independent investigation, which is incompatible with political and media manipulation. Without the same outrage from the media, other killings and attacks have clearly targeted citizens and buildings associated with Sandinismo.
On the same day that the Velasquez house was burned, a funeral home located a few meters from the house was also ransacked and set on fire. Still near the scene of the incident, two men were spotted in the street dismantling the barricades of the opposition.
They were shot dead on the spot.
The killers sprinkled gasoline on one of the corpses and set it on fire. Before leaving, they put objects Stereo yes matagalpa online dating the burned body to create a Stereo yes matagalpa online dating scene.
Here is a non-exhaustive timeline sequence of violent actions that took place in just three weeks:. The similarities with the crimes perpetrated in Venezuela by the anti-Chavista opposition a year ago suggest that this wave of violence is primarily motivated by a deep ideological hatred that goes beyond the framework of ordinary crime.
To these brutal attacks that speak for themselves, we can add the confusion maintained by the protesters themselves with the complicity of the private media. Other people also discovered the presence of their name or photo in a list of dead claimed by the protesters: If we want to broaden the perspective, short of exposing the long history, it is necessary to return to the chronology of the facts.
The new agenda between the government and the opposition renewed the authorization granted to a list of international organizations to participate in observation missions in the country, in order to identify all murders and acts of violence as well as their leaders, with an integral plan of care for victims in order to achieve effective justice.
Then it continued to issue reports, the last of which coincided with the day of the strike. The wording is not very eloquent: Given the biased "Stereo yes matagalpa online dating" it is accused of, the authorization to visit the premises that the Ortega government granted to the IACHR on June 26, must be considered as a concession in the framework of peace negotiations between the two parties.
Especially since institutions like Amnesty International have clearly shown that they are on the other side of the barricadeturning a deaf ear to the testimonies that are not aligned with the dominant narrative. Caution is therefore required. Be that as it may, it did not take long to happen. First, on June 18 the Civic Alliance, the political opposition movement engaged in dialogue with the government, announced its withdrawal from the negotiation table and demanded the presence of external observers.
Nauert recommended that the government should carry on according to the points the peace agenda, including the planned visit of observers of the IACHR.
Her conclusion is quite significant: This statement contains a thinly veiled threat: It relies on a new balance of power, starting from the mid-June sequence — the strike and the peace agreement, undermined by the new violence of the weekend, which has had as a result the opposition the Stereo yes matagalpa online dating table. Nauert therefore puts pressure on the Ortega government, which is now confronted on the one hand with increased street violence and lack of dialogue with the political opposition, and on the other hand with the arrival of the observation missions — who have probably already decided in advance the conclusion of their report.
Unless one is uncontrollably naive, everyone will have noticed that the United States continues to regard Latin America as its backyard. For we cannot dismiss the role played in Nicaragua by a certain international activism, which is centered on the United States Congress, where the Nica Act was approved last November. Under Stereo yes matagalpa online dating initiative of Ros-Lehtinen, a Cuban anti-Castro elected member of the Republican party, this "Stereo yes matagalpa online dating" aims to stifle the Nicaraguan economy, blocking international loans.
Simultaneously, Senator Marco Rubio proposed to use the Magnitsky Act as a weapon of financial sanctions against the Vice-President of the mixed enterprise Albanisa.
All these mechanisms of destabilization correspond to the different phases of a real hybrid war. If Nicaragua is again in the line of sight of US imperialism, the real reasons are mostly economic. As early asthe Federal Republic of Central America, a political entity stemming from the wars of independence, Stereo yes matagalpa online dating commissioned a study on the creation of a canal on the Lake Nicaragua Canal route.
It was a strategic project for the economic development and
Stereo yes matagalpa online dating of the young republic. What about the economic integration project in the region?
It fell into oblivion. For the United States, the break-up of Central America was therefore very advantageous from a strategic point of view.
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For two months, Nicaragua has been through a major political crisis, fueled by clashes between law enforcement and an insurgency. Humanitarian organizations report a terrifying record of nearly deaths. This violence, compromising the attempts of political negotiations, makes it necessary to understand who has an interest in paralyzing this Central American country.
What are the motivations of protesters and opposition forces? Is the Nicaraguan government the symbol of absolute tyranny? It was a pension reform project that started the fire.
To avoid privatizing social security as recommended by the IMF, the government wanted to increase contributions for both workers and employers. Faced with a public outcry, the government backtracked and withdrew its reform plan. But the protests continued without anyone being able to understand what was their objective. In order to stop the cycle of violence, government spokesmen called on the protesters to participate in peace commissions.
They insisted on their willingness to listen to the various demands and to promote the expression of political opposition.
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